Wrongdoing or evil actions are often masked by good intentions, and sometimes good intentions, when acted upon, may have unforeseen tragic consequences.
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Libertarian,
conservative, neither? The only thing clear about the senator is that
he has the potential to revolutionize the backward-looking Republican
Party if he runs for president.
When
Rand Paul spoke to a packed ballroom of conservative activists at CPAC
last year, he tagged the Obama administration as “completely out of
control.” But he saved some of his harshest criticism for his own party,
calling the GOP of old “stale and moss covered,” and insisting that the
Republican Party has to change.
One year later, Paul is again
speaking to CPAC, but this time he’s more than the “Stand with Rand”
senator who had just filibustered an Obama nominee for 13 hours to
protest drone policy. He is now the de facto head of the libertarian
wing of the party, still pushing the GOP to broaden its message and its
membership, and serious enough about running for president that his
allies are working to change the Kentucky law that would bar him from
running for president and his Senate seat simultaneously in 2016.
If
things go Rand Paul’s way, national Republicans will follow the lead of
Nathan Haney, the executive director of the Jefferson County, Kentucky
Republican Party, who held an event last week for the local GOP to meet
minority and low-income voters in Louisville, a city that has not had a
Republican mayor in more than 50 years.
“We’re tired of losing,”
says Haney. Although Republicans dominate the federal offices in
Kentucky, Democrats have held one or both houses of the state
legislature for nearly a century, while just two Republicans have
occupied the governor’s mansion since 1947. “At some point you have to
look in the mirror and say what is it that we’re doing wrong?”
That
bit of soul searching, rare for Republicans at the national level, has
come to Jefferson County though the example of the state’s junior
senator, Paul. “What we have found in the time that he’s been a senator
is that Senator Paul has made it his goal to grow the party, nationwide
and at the local level,” Haney said, pointing to Paul’s trips to
inner-city Detroit, as well as historically black colleges across the
country and poverty-ridden areas of Kentucky where Republicans rarely
make inroads.
But beyond his itineraries, Paul has also used his
three years of votes and visibility in the U.S. Senate, including a
13-hour filibuster, to blow up the checklist of exactly what it means to
be a conservative Republican.
While Paul has been aggressively
pro-life, pro-Second Amendment, and almost rabidly small government, he
has also staked out positions on privacy, intervention overseas, and
mandatory drug sentencing that defy both his party’s current instincts
and its leaders in Washington.
“At some point you have to look in the mirror and say what is it that we’re doing wrong?”
And
while Paul has loudly championed the Tea Party movement since his 2010
campaign for Senate, he alone last week called on Tea Party darling Ted
Nugent to apologize for a vile rant against President Obama.
The
next day, Paul attended the Tea Party’s fifth anniversary celebration in
Washington to urge activists to hold strong against federal spending
but also to make their message respectful of the president and to take
it beyond their own political base. “We have to reach out to more
people, more than just those of us here,” he told the activists.
The
result of all of Paul’s machinations is not only a senator who defies
easy classification, but also a 2016 presidential contender, far more
mainstream than his father, with the potential to reshape partisan
coalitions and revolutionize the Republican Party.
In a Candidate
Paul, voters would get an ACLU-aligned constitutional conservative who
wants to rebrand his party and reach past traditional Republican voters
while he does it. If the electorate two years from now is looking for a
change from the Clinton years, the Bush years, and a GOP that seems to
be looking backwards, Paul is about as new a concept as voters will
find.
“My party is a bit lost in the wilderness right now,” said
Patrick Griffin, a past adviser to numerous GOP presidential campaigns
who is now a managing director for Purple Strategies. The firm’s latest
Purple Poll (PDF)
of likely New Hampshire primary voters that showed Mitt Romney winning a
hypothetical primary in 2016. Second to Romney was Rand Paul.
“New
Hampshire takes personal freedom very seriously. It’s on our license
plates, ‘Live free or die,’” Griffin said of Paul’s potential appeal in
New Hampshire. At the moment, Griffin predicts Paul will be “one of the
first flavors of the month” for the run-up to the presidential
election. Beyond that, Griffin said, “What we’re seeing is
establishment versus social conservatives. If he is able to straddle
both sides of that, people start to say that’s different, that’s
interesting.”
So far, Paul is faring well in early polls, with a CBS national poll showing him leading the Republican feild along with Jeb Bush, and a PPP Iowa caucus poll
with him polling second to Mike Huckabee, who won there in 2008. While
Huckabee ran away with the social conservative votes in the PPP poll,
Paul and Bush lead among moderates, 20 and 19 percent, respectively.
If
South Carolina Republicans look for a more overtly religious
conservative than Paul has ever been, a strong showing in Florida would
become crucial.
“It is the most-wide open I have ever seen it,”
said Alex Patton, a Florida-based GOP consultant, of early Republican
inclinations. “I think there is no one answer. The Republican tribes
are pretty well fractured right now.”
Patton described early
support for all possible candidates essentially frozen until Bush
decides on a potential run, and added that money for Florida’s pricey
media markets, along with momentum from earlier GOP primary wins, will
be the ingredients for success in Florida.
“As far as Rand Paul
goes, there is little to no appetite for pure libertarianism here,”
Patton said. “It’s all about the economy right now. Voters aren’t going
to want hear about anything other than jobs and the economy.”
No
matter the specific message, Marc Hetherington, a Vanderbilt University
professor of political science who studies voter polarization, said that
Republican results in the 2014 midterm elections could affect
candidates like Paul in 2016 that are pushing to broaden the party past
its traditional base.
“He
might have some appeal for expanding Republican constituencies in the
general election, but that actually might hurt him in the primaries,”
Hetherington said. “It seems to me the most obvious thing in the world
that Republicans need to reach out to more minorities, but you can
easily delude yourself into thinking otherwise if you just won the last
election.”
But for Haney, the self-described “tired of losing”
Jefferson County Republican in Kentucky, the bigger-is-better message
for the Republican Party is essential for the party’s future and Rand
Paul is delivering it.
“With Senator Paul, you may not agree with
him— and a lot of the folks he talks to in Detroit and here in
Louisville they don’t all agree with him,” Haney said. “But at least
they know where he stands and they know he’s genuine about trying to
help. And that right there, that transcends any divide.”
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