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Sunday, July 7, 2013

The Hillary Clinton 2016 fantasy


The Guardian home


Comment is free

The Hillary Clinton 2016 fantasy

She hasn't even declared she's running, yet people are putting her on a pedestal no leader can live up to and writing off Obama


guardian.co.uk,
Hillary Clinton
The speculation over Hillary Clinton's entry in the 2016 presidential race continues to escalate. Photograph: Bloomberg/Getty Images
 
You have to wonder if there's already a committee planning Hillary Clinton's presidential inauguration festivities for 20 January 2017. According to the political rumor mill, she's not only running, she's unbeatable.

In the past month alone, a "grassroots" movement readyforhillary.com has started a natianal finance council and selling T-shirts and other campaign basics. Senator Claire McCaskill of Missouri has formally endorsed Clinton, calling her the "best to lead this country forward". And House Democratic leader Nancy Pelosi of California all but endorsed Clinton for president in an interview with USA Today last week, saying she would definitely win if she ran. Nevermind that the election is over three years away.

When Clinton joined Twitter in mid-June, she might as well have made her candidacy official. BuzzFeed Politics called it a clear move to appeal to young voters, her biggest weakness from her last campaign. She already has over 578,000 followers. That may seem small for a celebrity, but keep in mind that she's only made seven tweets thus far.
As fun as the Hillary speculation is, it comes with a myriad of problems. First and foremost, any political frontrunner gets pummeled. For all the supporters she's getting, there are also websites in place such as StopHillary2016.org. Attacks will mount. And certainly Hillary herself has reason to dislike being the clear favorite considering the last time this happened in 2008, a relative newcomer to the national stage, Barack Obama, beat her to win the democratic nod.

Speaking of Obama, an even bigger issue for the Democratic party is that Obama is still president. It's as if people are already writing him off as he struggles with scandals and to get anything accomplished. Instead of dealing with the problems that confront the nation today, including a huge debate over security versus personal liberties, it's easier to play fantasy president 2016.

It's almost like the fantasy baseball or football teams people put together where they mix and match their favorite players from different teams. In politics, it seems, you take Hillary, add in the best of her husband's presidential term (especially the economic surge and balanced budgets), and a bit more of what you think a good Democrat today needs (be more progressive, more pro-gay, more pro-women, better international figure) and then throw in a dash of your favorite leaders of all time (Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, etc) and voilĂ , you have Hillary 2016.

The problem is the reality check will inevitably come. Just ask Obama.

While it's difficult to believe right now as president struggles to get his approval rating back to 50%, when he took office in January 2009, his approval rating was nearly 70%. Who can forget the words of the Obama's first social secretary Desiree Rogers:
"We have the best brand on Earth: the Obama brand. Our possibilities are endless"
Yet only a few months later, "Obama mania" was already fading. An Economist column about the "Obama cult" in 2009 reminded giddy Americans that what goes up most come down:
"All presidential candidates promise more than they can possibly deliver. This sets them up for failure. But because the Obama cult has stoked expectations among its devotees to such unprecedented heights, he is especially likely to disappoint."
The mania was not going to last.

The same will be true for Hillary Clinton if she is elected president (or simply gets the Democratic nomination). She will not be able to be all things to all people. The fantasy that some are building her up to be will not hold, similar to what has happened to Obama. And yes, there will be extra scrutiny on her and an extra burden if she's the first female president, much like there has been added expectation of the role of the first black president.

If America's learned anything since 2008, it appears to be that a few more people wish they had voted for Hillary Clinton and her experience instead of Obama in the primaries. But a far better lesson would be 1) not to build candidates up so much that they become caricatures and 2) for each party's best and brightest to focus more on governing than election engineering.

What a shame that the serious policy debates facing America intrigue the nation less than the "reality show" of the campaign trail (or, better said, the pre-campaign trail).

Tuesday, July 2, 2013

Handicapping the 2016 presidential field

The Washington Post


THE FIX

by Chris Cillizza

 

Handicapping the 2016 presidential field


The 2012 election is behind us. Let the 2016 speculation begin! (Heck, if Jon Stewart can talk about it, why can’t we!)

 
 
 
(As we wrote in “The Gospel According to the Fix“, the line of demarcation between people who like politics and people who are obsessed with politics is that the former’s eyes glaze over when talk of the next election begins soon after the end of the last election while the latter’s eye take on a wolfish intensity that might scare some. And, yes, we just worked in an oh-so-natural plug for our book.)
With Obama’s victory, 2016 will be a race without an incumbent president and, depending on what Vice President Joe Biden does (more on that below), we could be looking at a race as wide open as 2008 for both parties.
 
Here are the five most likely — and strongest — contenders for the Democratic and Republican nominations. They are listed in no particular order.
 

 

REPUBLICANS

 
* Chris Christie: The idea circulating in some conservative circles that Christie’s kind treatment of President Obama during the aftermath of Hurricane Sandy somehow led to Mitt Romney’s loss is preposterous. (A look inside the exit poll numbers show that Romney’s loss is directly attributed to the large structural problems the GOP has with Hispanics and women.) If Christie can win re-election next year — and that’s a big “if” given the possibility that Newark mayor and Twitter super hero Cory Booker might run — he has a strong case to make for the GOP nomination. At that point he would be a two-term blue state governor with a demonstrated appeal to the conservative base and the party establishment. One worry for Christie: Does a close inspection of his record as governor take some of the shine off of him for conservatives?* Jeb Bush/Marco Rubio: It’s hard to see both Florida Republicans running in 2016 since Bush has long been a political mentor to Rubio. Given that relationship, Bush probably has the right of first refusal in the race but our guess is he stays away himself — Jeb doesn’t really love politics — and instead plays a leading role in guiding Florida’s junior senator through the process. In his speech at the Republican National Convention, Rubio showed that rhetorically speaking he is in a different class than his potential 2016 competitors — delivering a speech that overperformed even the high expectations surrounding it. And, Rubio now has a real opportunity to try to lead his party to its next stage by pushing for a reassessment of the GOP’s relationship (or lack thereof) with the Hispanic community.
 
  
* Bobby Jindal: The Louisiana governor seems all-but-certain to make a bid for president in 2016 and he’s got a strong argument in his favor. He’s Indian American (Republicans badly need non-white faces in top positions), he’s compiled a decidedly conservative record as governor of the Bayou State and he’s among the wonkiest members of his party. Jindal’s time on the national stage hasn’t exactly been filled with star turns — his 2009 Republican response was super awkward — but we’ve always been impressed with his ability to move seamlessly between politics and policy, a rare gift in politicians. 
 
* Paul Ryan: Mitt Romney, in his concession speech, said everything you need to know about his running mate’s interest in national office;  ”I trust that his intellect and his hard work and his commitment to principle will continue to contribute to the good of our nation,” Romney said of the Wisconsin Congressman. Translation: Paul Ryan is running for president.  Ryan acquitted himself well in his brief time on the national ticket and in so doing raised his profile with donors and activists within the GOP.  His announcement that he would return to the House in 2013 to chair the Budget Committee suggests that Ryan will spend the next two years or so burnishing his reputation as the “ideas guy” within the GOP and, perhaps, as the most high-profile foil to President Obama and his policies.  
 
* Rand Paul: The Kentucky Senator will pick up the standard laid down by his father — sort of like Robb Stark and Ned Stark — and, in so doing, ensure himself at least 10-15 percent of the vote in every early-voting state in 2016. Those close to the Paul political world cast Rand Paul as Ron Paul 2.0; the son has all of the core beliefs of the father but with a much healthier dose of charisma and a willingness to occasionally couch his views in order to court skeptical voters. Dismiss Rand Paul at your peril; if he runs, we believe he has a clear path to the 2016 top tier.

 

DEMOCRATS

 
* Hillary Clinton: The race for the Democratic nomination begins — and could end — with what decision the soon-to-be former Secretary of State makes. If she runs — and she has said she is not interested — it’s hard to imagine some of the people listed below making the contest. (Biden could be a notable exception.) Clinton would bring all of the strengths she had in 2008 — money, organization, an incredible political brand — with the added bonus that there’s no Barack Obama-like figure waiting in the wings (at least not yet) to challenge her dominance. Nothing will move in this race until Clinton either gets in or makes an airtight decision to stay out.
 
* Joe Biden: Just in case you had ruled out the possibility of Biden running in 2016 — he will be 73 on Election Day 2016 — Biden reminded you of it while voting on Tuesday. Asked whether this was the last time he would cast a ballot for himself, the Vice President smiled mischievously and said “No, I don’t think so.” If the best indicator of wanting to run for president in the future is having run for president in the past, then Biden qualifies since he has run for the top spot in 1988 and 2008. Biden would have the benefit of semi-incumbency going for him and has always had a top-tier team of political professionals who have stuck with him through thick and thin in a political career that began way back in 1972. Biden’s problems? One is named Hillary. The other is named Joe Biden. The Vice President’s tendency to veer off script  would be a major issue if he decided to run in four years time.
 
* Andrew Cuomo: If Clinton and Biden stay out, the governor of New York starts the 2016 race as the frontrunner. (Yes, those are big “if’s” but we are talking about a race that’s four years away!) Cuomo has a lot going for him as a national candidate: 1) he’s from a big and very Democratic state 2) He has already demonstrated an ability to raise lots and lots of money 3) He has a golden last name in American politics 4) He shepherded the New York same-sex marriage bill to passage in the state legislature, making him a hero to the gay community nationally 5) He is a political operative at heart, having played a lead strategy role in his father’s various political machinations.
 
* Martin O’Malley: The governor of Maryland is, from all indications, the most “in” of any of the people on this list when it comes to 2016. O’Malley used his perch as the chairman of the Democratic Governors Association this cycle to boost his profile among reporters, donors and activists. (O’Malley was a near-constant on the Sunday show chat circuit.) Working for O’Malley is his record governing perhaps the most liberal state in the country, a top-tier (and experienced) consulting team and his own native political acumen (O’Malley was mobbed up in the Gary Hart presidential bids of the 1980s.) Working against O’Malley is the sense that he may be a poor man’s Cuomo and that he isn’t a proven commodity on the big national stage.
 
* Kirstin Gillibrand/Amy Klobuchar/Elizabeth Warren: If Clinton doesn’t run, there will be an open spot for a woman in the field.  Gillibrand, who filled Clinton’s seat in the Senate, seems the most ambitious of the trio mentioned above and could theoretically raise the sort of money she would need to be viable. Would she run if Cuomo, her mentor, ran? Probably not. Warren, who was elected to the Senate from Massachusetts on Tuesday, seems uninterested in running for president, at least according to her political people, but is a rock star among the liberal left and, as she demonstrated in her Senate race, can raise money like few other people in the party. Klobuchar isn’t a household name nationally but all she does is continue to wrack up massive margins in the state of Minnesota; she was re-elected on Tuesday with 65 percent of the vote even as President Obama was winning with 53 percent in the Land of 10,000 Lakes. A presidential run would be a major step up for Klobuchar but everything she has done in her political career to date would suggest she could make the leap.

Presidential Candidates 2016: 10 Democrats Who Might Be the Next Presidential Nominee

policymic




Presidential Candidates 2016: 10 Democrats Who Might Be the Next Presidential Nominee

Shawna Gillen

Politics


Now that the long 2012 presidential election has concluded, it is no surprise that politicians are preparing for 2016. Obama’s victory means this will be his final term as president, leaving a window of opportunity for Democratic presidential hopefuls. Here is a list of possible candidates to keep a close watch on for the 2016 Democratic presidential ticket.



1. Hillary Clinton



President Obama’s Secretary of State is no stranger to the political arena. Clinton was Former First lady under her husband Bill Clinton from 1993-2001. Bill has been a strong supporter of the Obama campaign and gave a noteworthy speech at the Democratic National Convention in September. As for Hillary, she ran for the Democratic nomination in 2008, but who’s to say she will not try again in 2016? She has become a prominent female figure in politics, which will definitely give her great advantage for securing the female vote.


2. Joe Biden




Current Vice President Joe Biden has already sought the presidency twice, but would the third time be the charm?? After casting his ballot on Election Day, Biden was asked if this was going to be the last time he would vote for himself. He briefly replied, “No, I don’t think so.” What could be his disadvantage? His age. Biden will be 73 by the time the 2016 Election season is underway, which may make it difficult to campaign against younger competitors.

 

3. Andrew Cuomo



New York Governor Andrew Cuomo may have his sights set on 2016. Between his performance on Hurricane Sandy relief, and his former cabinet position as Secretary of Housing and Urban Development in the Clinton Administration, he may have the leverage he needs to form a strong campaign.


4. Beau Biden


Beau Biden is the son of the vice president, so needless to say he has a strong advantage to receiving political endorsements. He is the Delaware Attorney General, and is a Major in the Army National Guard. Beau has made television appearances expressing praise for his father’s performance in the VP debate. He has also made speeches at the past two Democratic National Conventions.

 

5. Martin O’Malley



The Maryland Governor gave an address at the DNC, and is the chairman of the Democratic Governor’s Association. He is a strong Obama supporter and may receive his endorsement if he runs in 2016.

 

6. Deval Patrick



The Governor of Massachusetts is a close friend of President Obama, and also gave an address at the DNC. When asked the following week of the convention of his future plans, he shot down the idea of 2016. “If there is a time sometime later to come back and serve in public life, I hope I’m able to do that. Just not going to be in 2016,” he said. He may be coy on the subject, but he is still important to watch.

 

7. Kirsten Gillibrand


The New York Senator just secured her first full term after replacing Hillary Clinton by winning in a landslide. She addressed Iowa delegates at the DNC giving a possible preview to a 2016 campaign. The Senator may follow in Clinton’s footsteps and seek the presidency.


8. Cory Booker


The Mayor of Newark, New Jersey gave an explosive speech at the DNC. There has been talk that Booker may seek the New Jersey gubernatorial nomination to run against Republican Chris Christie. However, the former Rhodes Scholar may have laid the groundwork for 2016 at the DNC this year.


9. Elizabeth Warren


Warren recently defeated Republican opponent Scott Brown for the Massachusetts Senate seat. Warren’s fight against Wall Street banks and her work on the creation of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau may give her the exposure she needs for a presidential nomination.

 

10. Antonio Villaraigosa


The Los Angeles Mayor was the chairman of the DNC this past September. He has shied away from the subject when asked about the presidency. However the possibility of becoming the first Latino president may give him advantage among the coumtry's growing Latino population.

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When Hillary Was Already Hillary

Slate




HOME /  History :  Then, again.

When Hillary Was Already Hillary

Hillary Rodham’s 1969 commencement speech, and the young poetry professor who saw it.





 
Hillary Rodham speaks at Wellesley College in 1969.
Courtesy of Wellesley College Archives/Photo by Stimmell


In politics as in show business, certain public figures attract meanings beyond reason. Often, at the generating core of that vague penumbra of guesswork and exaggeration, lurks a blunt, explicit question, like: “What is a modern woman?” The cloud emanated by such a crude, hidden core is tangential to the person's actual character and work. Something like that pervades what may be a culminating stage—running for president, or not—for Hillary Rodham Clinton.
 
I use the full three names advisedly. I first noticed her when she was Hillary Rodham, well before she met Bill Clinton. It was 1969, at Wellesley College, where Hillary was a senior and I was a freshman professor teaching poetry classes. The famous commencement address she gave that year was the beginning of her story as a national figure—but even before then, she was already the object of speculation and the bright light to which theories flew.
 
Wellesley was not an easy fit for me. Decidedly nonpreppy, I had never been to Massachusetts before the interview. I had not attended an Ivy League school nor a prep school— not even a summer camp. In the first batch of mail on my desk was a formal letter from the trustees of Wellesley College announcing that they had voted to approve a change in the college charter, removing a passage that declared Wellesley faculty would be composed of Christian men and women. Impossible for me not mutter an ironic, secular-Jewish “Just in time.” Plus, I was a man. Like the students, I was in my 20s, but in some ways they were more confidently at home on that campus than I was.
It was in a poetry writing workshop that I first heard the name, pronounced with a peculiar—and it turns out prophetic—complexity of countertones: envy and superiority, something that was close to awe and something else that was not quite disdain: “Hillary Rodham!” said a pretty young woman with long hair—just the name—and the other pretty young women with long hair nodded and murmured their recognition.
 
In the same group, memorably, someone had presented a poem mentioning a lawyer. As the discussion rambled, somebody said, looking around at her fellow poets for confirmation: “Nobody here would marry a lawyer!” ... and no one in the group disagreed.
 
Ha. Even at the time, I must have been a little skeptical of their solidarity, suspected that many in the room would become lawyers, marry lawyers, divorce lawyers to marry other lawyers, deliver babies who would grow up to become lawyers. But in the political and cultural vapor of that year and that place, it was No lawyers (or lawyers' wives) here!
 
Hillary must have already been accepted to Yale Law School by then. Possibly an unacknowledged or suppressed understanding that she was ahead of them on a track they denied, but would follow, underlay the scornful yet impressed way my students pronounced their classmate's name. Maybe those poets, would-be hippies, and wannabe radicals had a sneaking, subconscious thought that Hillary's way of being a woman was magnetic, predictive, and (pardon the expression) correct? In fairness to those poetry students, their forms of rebellion, however misty or fashionable, had also affected—had even formed—Hillary Rodham, the onetime Goldwater Girl from Illinois.
 
I never taught Hillary nor did I meet her in those years. (Decades later, as first lady, she helped foster the Favorite Poem Project; in 1998, she and President Clinton took part in a Favorite Poem reading in the White House.) But I did get to see the young Hillary in action—unforgettably—at the Wellesley College commencement.
 
The speaker at my graduation from Rutgers was Adlai Stevenson. Sad to say, I don't remember anything he said. At Stanford, my wife's commencement speaker was Warren Burger. I was there, but of what the chief justice had to say I remember nothing. But I do remember that on May 31, 1969, at Wellesley, I saw a gifted, electrifying natural in action, calling for something better than what we had.
 
For some people the event has become legendary. Many others may never have heard of it. The commencement speaker was U.S. Sen. Edward Brooke. Brooke was— now here's a period detail—a Republican moderate. Smooth, handsome, a World War II combat veteran, he was also the first African-American popularly elected to the United States Senate. He co-authored the Fair Housing Act, and he was actively pro-choice. In other words, with the eyes of 2013, Brooke can be seen as a heroic fantasy of courage and wisdom. In the eyes of 1969, he was seen as blandly complacent.


In politics as in show business, certain public figures attract meanings beyond reason. Often, at the generating core of that vague penumbra of guesswork and exaggeration, lurks a blunt, explicit question, like: “What is a modern woman?” The cloud emanated by such a crude, hidden core is tangential to the person's actual character and work. Something like that pervades what may be a culminating stage—running for president, or not—for Hillary Rodham Clinton.

I use the full three names advisedly. I first noticed her when she was Hillary Rodham, well before she met Bill Clinton. It was 1969, at Wellesley College, where Hillary was a senior and I was a freshman professor teaching poetry classes. The famous commencement address she gave that year was the beginning of her story as a national figure—but even before then, she was already the object of speculation and the bright light to which theories flew.

Wellesley was not an easy fit for me. Decidedly nonpreppy, I had never been to Massachusetts before the interview. I had not attended an Ivy League school nor a prep school— not even a summer camp. In the first batch of mail on my desk was a formal letter from the trustees of Wellesley College announcing that they had voted to approve a change in the college charter, removing a passage that declared Wellesley faculty would be composed of Christian men and women. Impossible for me not mutter an ironic, secular-Jewish “Just in time.” Plus, I was a man. Like the students, I was in my 20s, but in some ways they were more confidently at home on that campus than I was.

It was in a poetry writing workshop that I first heard the name, pronounced with a peculiar—and it turns out prophetic—complexity of countertones: envy and superiority, something that was close to awe and something else that was not quite disdain: “Hillary Rodham!” said a pretty young woman with long hair—just the name—and the other pretty young women with long hair nodded and murmured their recognition.

In the same group, memorably, someone had presented a poem mentioning a lawyer. As the discussion rambled, somebody said, looking around at her fellow poets for confirmation: “Nobody here would marry a lawyer!” ... and no one in the group disagreed.

Ha. Even at the time, I must have been a little skeptical of their solidarity, suspected that many in the room would become lawyers, marry lawyers, divorce lawyers to marry other lawyers, deliver babies who would grow up to become lawyers. But in the political and cultural vapor of that year and that place, it was No lawyers (or lawyers' wives) here!

Hillary must have already been accepted to Yale Law School by then. Possibly an unacknowledged or suppressed understanding that she was ahead of them on a track they denied, but would follow, underlay the scornful yet impressed way my students pronounced their classmate's name. Maybe those poets, would-be hippies, and wannabe radicals had a sneaking, subconscious thought that Hillary's way of being a woman was magnetic, predictive, and (pardon the expression) correct? In fairness to those poetry students, their forms of rebellion, however misty or fashionable, had also affected—had even formed—Hillary Rodham, the onetime Goldwater Girl from Illinois.

I never taught Hillary nor did I meet her in those years. (Decades later, as first lady, she helped foster the Favorite Poem Project; in 1998, she and President Clinton took part in a Favorite Poem reading in the White House.) But I did get to see the young Hillary in action—unforgettably—at the Wellesley College commencement.

The speaker at my graduation from Rutgers was Adlai Stevenson. Sad to say, I don't remember anything he said. At Stanford, my wife's commencement speaker was Warren Burger. I was there, but of what the chief justice had to say I remember nothing. But I do remember that on May 31, 1969, at Wellesley, I saw a gifted, electrifying natural in action, calling for something better than what we had.

For some people the event has become legendary. Many others may never have heard of it. The commencement speaker was U.S. Sen. Edward Brooke. Brooke was— now here's a period detail—a Republican moderate. Smooth, handsome, a World War II combat veteran, he was also the first African-American popularly elected to the United States Senate. He co-authored the Fair Housing Act, and he was actively pro-choice. In other words, with the eyes of 2013, Brooke can be seen as a heroic fantasy of courage and wisdom. In the eyes of 1969, he was seen as blandly complacent.


It was the radical spirit of 1969 that led Wellesley's administrators to invite a student speaker, an unprecedented move. Wellesley by tradition had no valedictorian. One alumna said, “Many of us are still recovering from the shock” of  having a student speaker, as Judith Martin (Wellesley '59), also known as Miss Manners, reported in her Washington Post piece about attending the event.

Brooke's talk was carefully middle-of-the-road: the safest route for a black politician elected in Massachusetts, with its 97 percent nonblack population. Not long before, he had explicitly denounced Georgia's segregationist Gov. Lester Maddox on one side of him and black separatist Stokely Carmichael on the other. In his Wellesley talk, Brooke stressed his conviction that things had been getting better: “When all is said and done,” he said (quoted in the Fitchburg Sentinel of June 2, 1969), “I believe the overwhelming majority of Americans will stand firm on one principle: coercive protest is wrong, and one reason that it is wrong is that it is unnecessary.”

His phrase “coercive protest” was a clever speechwriter's attempt to characterize the widespread student demonstrations (and other demonstrations) of the time—clever but horribly deficient in relation to the voter registration efforts in Mississippi, which had led to murder and police criminality. Brooke seemed to be averting his eyes from American forces napalming villages and defoliating forests in Vietnam, and from the violent disorder in segregated American cities. After the recent years of assassinations, urban riots, demonstrations, and student strikes, the words “coercive protest” were pusillanimous.

The senator accepted polite applause. Next, Wellesley's alumna-shocking innovation of a student speaker was briefly explained by Ruth Adams, the college president—a job made difficult by turbulent times, even on a genteel campus as pacific as Wellesley's. (Showing impatience with her alma mater, Judith Martin in her Post story wrote about Brooke's bland commencement address: “Given at Harvard, that speech would have invited a mass walkout.”)

Hillary Rodham came to the microphone and explained to the assembly of seniors, families, alumnae, faculty, trustees, and reporters that before her prepared remarks she would respond briefly to Brooke. What I recall vividly about her impromptu remarks is less what the 21-year-old student politician had to say than the shrewdly controlled way she formulated her objection to Brooke's performance. How could somebody so young have improvised a devastatingly courteous, even courtly critique of the senatorial bromides?

I remember a rhetoric of respectful regret, along the lines of: “Senator, we hoped you might have said something about conditions in our cities,” and “Senator, we need you to speak about the escalation of war in Southeast Asia.” She expressed sadness at her need to say that empathy was not enough, that she and the other students needed Brooke's guidance, not empty generalities. The “art of the possible” was not enough. Brooke had mentioned as good news that the percentage of Americans below the poverty line had decreased to 13.3 percent. “That's a percentage” she said, with polite disdain.

Her remarks worked, though the present Hillary Clinton might wince at young Hillary's scorn for percentages, her telling the senator he owed his audience something better than “a lot of rhetoric.” The poise, good manners, and fearless cogency of those improvised remarks gave them not just rhetorical power, but authority. Hillary Rodham's speech—the first ever given by a graduating senior at Wellesley—was interrupted by frequent applause and followed by a standing ovation that lasted (says the Fitchburg Sentinel, confirming my memory) for seven minutes.

No need to exaggerate: Hillary's language as reported in transcripts and news reports is not stirring or imaginative, though some may find some of the terms surprising:

“ ... a prevailing, acquisitive, and competitive corporate life, including tragically the universities, is not the way of life for us. We're searching for a more immediate, ecstatic, and penetrating mode of living. And so our questions, our questions about our institutions, about our colleges, about our churches, about our government continue.”

 For those of us who were there, this is pretty standard language of 1969. What was amazing, and not standard, was the gift for rising to an occasion: a political gift and a matter of talent surging toward its realization. As part of the prepared part of her speech, Hillary Rodham read a poem by a classmate, a composition also touchingly of that era. On that day in May, in other words, the notes that were struck may have been unremarkable, but the occasion was like hearing a very young, uniquely gifted musician play: something in the sheer, expressive command—a word used about athletes, as well as musicians—was extraordinary, unmistakable, and already formed.

Those poetry students had their idea of what a woman was or would be in their generation. The founders of Wellesley College and the trustees who revised its charter in 1969 had their ideas. So too did the alumni who were shocked by the tradition-breaking student commencement speaker, or approving, or some of each. In some vague way, I must have had my own ideas about such matters. But whether or not Hillary Clinton runs for president in 2016, it was Hillary Rodham who pointed the way in 1969.